A Question Defining Our Time
Hardly any issue is currently affecting Europe as much as the tension between flight, persecution, asylum, and migration. It evokes emotional reactions, divides societies, and puts the foundations of liberal democracies to the test. Anyone who wants to face this challenge must understand the historical roots, know the legal framework, keep an eye on current dynamics, and find a political stance that meets both humanitarian and socially stabilizing requirements. [1]
We don't want to encounter a cold-hearted, selfish monster when we look in the mirror each morning. But neither do we want to endanger our free, secularized social order, which depends on conditions that the state cannot guarantee and that must therefore already exist within society. [2]
This issue is so emotionally charged that it has the potential to turn the current political landscape upside down and to tear society apart. In contrast, we want to approach it with the most sober logic possible.
Our position in brief
- We will not let asylum seekers perish at our borders, nor will we abandon them in the Mediterranean. We offer them protection and provide them with the essentials. In doing so, we adhere to international agreements and live up to the essence of our Basic Law [3] .
- The Geneva Refugee Convention sets high standards for the treatment of asylum seekers, but also grants sufficient leeway to prevent harm to the peoples of the receiving states. Unlike in the past, we want to and must consistently make full use of this leeway. [4]
- Migration is an umbrella term that divides into the granting of asylum and regular immigration. However, asylum must be strictly separated from immigration. While controlled transitions are conceivable, equating the two demonstrates dangerous ignorance. We assume that those who flee leave their country out of sheer necessity—not because they want to become one of us. They seek asylum. But those who want to immigrate have decided to become German, or, when the time comes, European. Here, the receiving state examines whether its immigration appears beneficial and whether the motives are sincere—and makes its selection decision.
- We do not conceal the monstrous problems that arise in reconciling and adhering to these three simple basic principles. [5]
- By our standards, safe countries of origin are rare.
- The majority of refugees come to us from countries where the values of the European Enlightenment are unknown and human rights do not apply. We cannot expect them to share and uphold our values. Often, they are also severely traumatized and potentially pose a danger.
- Combating the root causes of migration is currently largely a taboo subject. A thoughtless foreign policy often contributes directly to the root causes of migration.
- The sheer number of those who want to come to us entails an enormous effort required for qualified identification, assessment, classification, security, and repeated checks.
- Germany, which is (still) wealthy but small, will not be able to manage the tasks ahead alone. At a minimum, a Europe as a single state is required. But that does not yet exist.
Historical Review – Europe: Scene and Actor of Migration
Migration is not a new phenomenon. European history is riddled with flight, expulsion, asylum, and immigration:
- In 1685, the Great Elector Frederick William of Brandenburg granted refuge to persecuted Huguenots with the Edict of Potsdam – an early act of state-guaranteed asylum policy.
- In the 19th century, Zionism emerged as a form of self-organization and migration planning, triggered by anti-Semitic threats.
- During the Nazi regime, hundreds of thousands of intellectuals, dissidents, and Jewish citizens attempted to flee – often in vain.
- After the Second World War, up to 14 million Germans were expelled from East-Central Europe.
- “Guest workers” from Italy, Turkey, or Yugoslavia shaped Germany's post-war economic development; many stayed permanently. [6]
These historical experiences show that Germany was simultaneously a cause, a recipient, and a beneficiary of migration.
The legal framework – human rights and sovereignty in tension
Today, international, European, and national law form a multifaceted framework:
- The Geneva Refugee Convention (1951) guarantees the protection of those persecuted for political reasons. It defines who qualifies as a refugee and prohibits refoulement to persecuting states (principle of non-refoulement).
- The European Convention on Human Rights guarantees individual rights for everyone, including refugees
- In Germany, the fundamental right to asylum (Article 16a of the Basic Law) is enshrined in the constitution, but is modified by restrictions in the 1993 asylum compromise and by EU regulations (e.g., the Dublin III Regulation).
- Economic migration in Germany has so far only been selectively regulated by law (e.g., the Skilled Immigration Act). [7]
The tension: On the one hand, international norms obligate for humanitarian protection; on the other hand, the nation-state claims the right to decide sovereignly on entry and residence.
Present - Dramas, Causes, and Upheavals
Today's migration reality is often brutal:
- Over 20,000 people have died in the Mediterranean while fleeing since 2000 (IOM, 2023).
- Escape routes through the Sahara or the Eastern Balkans are life-threatening.
- Many causes of displacement are homegrown (corruption, violent regimes, climate crisis), others are partly caused by the West (e.g., the Iraq War, interventions in Syria or Afghanistan).
- A lucrative smuggling industry shamelessly exploits the plight and promotes misleading expectations. [8]
At the same time, international coordination is failing: Greece and Italy, for example, are overwhelmed, France is struggling with internal integration, Sweden has lost some state authority, and the USA is experiencing a politicization of border control without a structural solution
Integration and its Limits - The Böckenförde Dictum at the Center
The constitutional lawyer Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde wrote: “ The liberal, secularized state lives on preconditions that it cannot itself guarantee .” This statement, also known as the Böckenförde Dictum, is so fundamental for a society that wants to live according to the values of the European Enlightenment that it requires in-depth consideration and, unlike in the past, uncompromising application.
What does this mean for migration?
- The liberal order of Europe is fragile. It can only exist if migrants accept and support this order .
- Since this cannot be expected, uncontrolled migration therefore jeopardizes cohesion, the rule of law , and security .
- Freedom of movement must be linked to the capacity and willingness to integrate . Both must be convincingly demonstrated.
- Those who help refugees must not be naive: “Open hearts” need clear rules . Without self-protection, we can no longer offer protection. [9]
Guiding Principles for an Enlightened Social Policy
The " Europeans for the Planet " movement is committed to humanity – and to rational governance.
From this arise the following principles:
- No one should die at the border. Immediate humanitarian aid is our duty.
- Those persecuted for political reasons must find protection. But they should not automatically receive permanent residency or citizenship
- Repatriation must be possible. Anyone who cannot prove grounds for protection or violates laws must leave and will be held in preventive detention until their departure.
- Differentiation is essential: between politically persecuted individuals, war refugees, economic migrants, and voluntary immigrants.
- <>Illegal entry remains a violation of the law.<> Law and order must not be suspended. Protected borders are essential for a functioning state.
- Multiple citizenships only in rare cases. Loyalty to the community is indivisible. A German (later European) citizen who acquires another citizenship automatically loses their German citizenship.
Summary - Courage for clarity in the debate
Dealing with migration in its various forms will continue to pose major and growing challenges for Germany, Europe, and the many regions of this planet. The answer can be neither isolation nor uncontrolled openness. Anyone who wants to preserve humanity and freedom must define principles, consistently follow them, set limits, take responsibility for them, and adapt their worldview to changing circumstances: This applies to the host countries, to the refugees, to our own society – to each and every one of us.
Only if we combine principles with pragmatism can Europe preserve its self-respect and its values and maintain its position in the world.
References
[1] Federal Agency for Civic Education. (2023). Flight and Asylum . https://www.bpb.de/themen/migration-integration/flucht/
- Provides statistical and policy context for current debates on asylum and migration in Germany. ↑
[2] Böckenförde, E.-W. (1991). State, Society, Freedom: Studies on State Theory and Constitutional Law . Suhrkamp.
- Explores the philosophical foundations of liberal democracy — essential to understanding integration limits. ↑
[3] UNHCR. (2022). Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2022. https://www.unhcr.org
- Annual report offering key global data on refugee flows and protection needs. ↑
[4] Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. (1951). United Nations. https://www.unhcr.org/1951-refugee-convention
- Defines the international legal framework for refugee protection and obligations of states. ↑
[5] Gößmann, A. (2020). Migration policy in the EU: Actors, interests, conflicts . Nomos.
- Analyses EU migration policy, governance structures, and political conflicts shaping asylum frameworks. ↑
[6] IOM – International Organization for Migration. (2023). Missing Migrants Project . https://missingmigrants.iom.int
- <>Documents migrant deaths and disappearances worldwide; evidence of humanitarian consequences of irregular migration. <>↑
[7] BAMF – Federal Office for Migration and Refugees. (2024). Asylum Application Figures in Germany . https://www.bamf.de
- Official data source on asylum applications in Germany; contextualizes national policy trends. ↑
[8] UNHCR IOM (2023). Mediterranean Migration Review . https://www.unhcr.org/migration
- Joint assessment of Mediterranean migration routes, mortality data, and policy responses. ↑
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